Saturday, January 25, 2020

Racism In Contemporary Britain

Racism In Contemporary Britain The existence of races in a given society presupposes the presence of racism, for without racism, physical characteristics are devoid of social significance (Van den Berghe, 1978, p.11). This represents a tension, explored within this essay, between the inability to categorise human beings into separate races on the basis of physical difference (Peoples and Bailey, 2011) and the fact that such categorisation occurs, based on the misconception that socially constructed concepts of racial difference are an objective reality (Barak et al., 2010). As the existence of race relies fundamentally upon its construction within society (Marger, 2011), it appears, within this essay, as race. In examining the existence of racism in contemporary Britain, a number of definitions will be explored, however, a commonality among them is their dependence on the definition of race, demonstrating, I would argue, the equally, socially, constructed, nature of racism (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). By examining Immigration and Asylum policy, this essay will analyse how differing definitions of racism, explain its continued existence, within a seemingly tolerant society (Wemyss, 2009). It also considers how immigrants and asylum seekers are perceived and treated within society, because in addition to occurring at policy level, racism is a lived experience (Lentin, 2011). I do not consider the definitions examined, namely biological, new, institutional and cultural racism, to be an exhaustive list and recognise that considering its existence from other constructs, may give a different picture of contemporary Britain, further demonstrating the need for a critical approach to concepts of racism and its existence within society (Zamudio et al., 2011). I will conclude by exploring whether accurately defining racism, impacts its prevalence, or whether pursuing the eradication of negative life chances, for minority ethnic groups, is not more beneficial than the categorisation of discri mination. Although it is now commonly recognised that there are no biological differences, by which races can be categorised (Nanda and Warms, 2010), this concept continues to create the foundation for biological racism and associates such difference with a behavioural hierarchy in terms of morals and intellect (Smedley and Smedley, 2005). This concept of hierarchy, I would argue, is integral to racism, in that the self is constructed as superior and the other as inferior (Rivers, 2008). Having proven the non-existence of race, this form of racism could be considered outdated and irrelevant, however, I would argue that its prevalence is still apparent within scientific discourse and public opinion (Lentin, 2011). In recent political debate, for example, around reducing the spread of HIV within the UK, by providing free treatment to foreign nationals (HAUK Select Committee, 2011), objectors have argued that this will increase immigration, out of a desire for free medical treatment (Department o f Health, 2005). Whilst I would not deny the greater prevalence of HIV in some parts of the world, and therefore some ethnic groups, associating this with the motivation for immigration, within such ethnic groups, being to take advantage of free resources, I would argue, has biologically racist undertones. In addition, there is no evidence that the provision of free HIV treatment would create such health tourism (NAT., 2008). With racism being legislated against (Race Relations Act, 1976), racist undertones are now more common than overt racism, when taking a biologically racist perspective (Jiwani and Richardson, 2011) and the denial of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy, arguing that its not racist to impose limits on immigration (Conservative Party, 2005), is unsurprising. Whilst immigration rules, by their nature, discriminate between those who have, and do not have, the right to remain in the UK, I would argue that this discrimination is only biologically racist, if decisions are made on the basis of physical difference. As such, it could be argued that the Conservative discourse is justified, in that some criterion are required for immigration control, but that such rules do not refer to particular racial groups having characteristics determining their suitability for immigration (Sriskandarajah, 2006). Whilst this argument does not necessarily prove the lack of racism within Immigration Po licy, it demonstrates how one definition of racism, in this case biological, can be used to deny its existence, whereas, as this essay will demonstrate, constructing alternative definitions highlights greater prevalence of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy. A combination of factors, including legislation, scientific rationale behind the non-existence of race and eugenics movements, have resulted in traditional forms of racism being constructed as socially unacceptable, causing a reduction, although not eradication, in overt, racist behaviour and a denial of racist intent (Romm, 2010). If my understanding of racism, therefore, were restricted to a biological definition, I might argue that its existence within contemporary Britain has reduced. By redefining racism, however, in the light of its social unacceptability, to subtler, indirect forms, the existence of racism, I would argue, in both Immigration and Asylum policy and wider British society, can still be seen. This subtler definition, known as New Racism (Collins and Solomos, 2010), argues that the same belief in racial superiority underpins many current discourses, but that new language is used to represent these traditional beliefs, for example, substituting race with immigrant or asylum seeker (Kimber, 2010). Returning to the Conservative Manifesto (2005), if no inference of racism exists within policy proposals, then why is there a need for rhetoric which defends a non-racist position? The powerful use of language is evident in this kind of discourse, because in addition to denying racist intent, arguments are constructed, such that, accusations of racism are deemed irrational, making any covert or indirect forms of racism difficult to challenge (Goodman and Burke, 2011). In Conservative leader, Michael Howards election campaign (2005), for example, the need for stricter immigration control is argued to be based on common sense, rather than racist principles. Mr. Howard categorises immigrants as good and bad, with those being different and not encompassing British values, deemed bad (Btihaj, 2006). Being a child of immigrants, he classifies himself a good immigrant, for whom racism is unacceptable because he is one of them, however, Michael is white, and therefore does not look different and his immigrant Father is Romanian, a Christian, European country whose values and cultures are more in line with Britishness than perhaps, non-white, non-Christian countries, making conforming to the image of good immigrant, much easier for him (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). In this way, I would argue that, although new language is used, racist beliefs underpin this discourse, in describing acceptable immigrants as white, with similar culture and values, and conversely less acceptable immigrants, as non-white individuals, refusing to conform to our culture and values. A biological definition would deny racism within this speech, whereas, a new racism definition highlights underlying racist discourse, which may result in the implementation of racist immigration policies. I would argue that this further demonstrates the contested and constructed nature of racism, which can be made to exist, or not, on the basis of its definition. This coded use of language can also be seen in wider public attitudes, within the UK. Where terms like lazy, stupid and unprincipled were historically used to describe racial groups, they are now connected with immigrants and asylum seekers (Craig, 2007). Similarly, Finney and Peach (2006) found that although discriminatory views have shifted from race to immigrants and asylum seekers, similar language, and reasons for feelings of animosity, are used in describing both groups. A biologically racist perspective, could argue that attitudes toward ethnic minorities have improved within the UK, but I would argue that, considering a new racism definition, although language and focus have changed, racist attitudes still prevail within contemporary British society. Another perspective in understanding racism, is to consider how policies, decision making and institutional practices create and define racism, rather than individual belief systems. This institutional definition of racism, argues that, policies are constructed to both subordinate, and maintain control over, particular racial groups (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). In this way, racism is the creation of inferiority through the implementation of organisational policies and procedures (Better, 2008) and is rooted in the processes of established and respected forces within society, which I would argue makes them less likely to be challenged than individual acts of racism (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). Institutional racism can occur unintentionally, by unwitting prejudice and racial stereotyping creating policies and cultural practices which disadvantage ethnic minorities (Macpherson, 1999). The complexity of institutional racism is that, organisations cannot make decisions or policies , without the presence of individuals and therefore questions whether an institution can be racist, or whether racism results from the influence of individuals within that institution (Roush, 2008). The UK Border Agency, in working predominantly with immigrants and asylum seekers, in my view, holds significant potential for institutional racism. Whether such racism is intentional is contested, but irrespectively, I would argue that, some immigration policies disproportionately disadvantage certain ethnic minorities. Recent changes to work permit policies, for example, mean that restaurants employing chefs from outside the EU, must find applicants with at least 5 years experience and graduate-level qualifications, paying them at least  £28,260 a year (Home Office, 2011). Although this policy is applied to all restaurants and its implementation aims to prioritise jobs for British citizens, I would argue that restaurants providing cuisine originating outside Europe, are likely to be disproportionately impacted by this policy and that such businesses are likely to be owned by, and employing individuals of, ethnic minorities (Khaleeli, 2012). In this way, whether intentionally or n ot, I would argue that these immigration changes are institutionally racist, in that their negative impact, upon ethnic minorities, is unjustifiably disproportionate. This again demonstrates, I would argue, how the definition of racism taken, can significantly impact its perceived existence within contemporary British society. A biological definition, for example, would argue that decisions are not being made on the basis of physical difference, as all individuals are receiving the same treatment, and therefore the policy is not racist. Similarly, new racism, by examining the language used, could still conclude that the intention of this policy, is not to favour any particular racial group. The difference, I would argue, with institutional racism, is that intent is less important than impact and therefore, racism can be deemed to exist if the outcomes for ethnic minorities are disproportionately worse than the general population, which in regard to this policy, I would argue, could be the case. The final perspective being explored, cultural racism, is argued by some to simply be an extension of new racism (Jacobson, 2008). Within immigration and asylum discourse, however, I would argue, the language of culture so frequently replaces that of race, as to make a distinct exploration of cultural racism beneficial (Diller, 2010). Cultural racism relates to the belief that less dominant cultures are dysfunctional, maladaptive or even deviant, emphasising individual failings, rather than a societal failure to accommodate difference (Williams, 2007). Although it could be argued that this moves too far from a valid definition of racism, this depends upon how race is defined and if there are no biological differences by which races can be categorised, then the socially constructed differences which create racism, may also be cultural differences (Pon, 2009). In this way cultural racism is both the negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural difference (Hill, 2008) and the denial of opportunity to express ones culture (Ford, 2005). Muslims are frequently constructed, for example, as a homogenous group, when in reality the diversity of individuals classifying themselves as Muslim, is too vast to validate a single identity (Al-Azmeh, 2007). Despite this, the term Muslim has become a way of describing ethnicity, both in politics and public opinion (Wilson, 2007). This process of homogenisation, I would argue, has caused ideas of fundamentalism, and terrorist intent, to be attributed to the Muslim identity, constructing them, in some respects, as an enemy of British society (Todorov and Brown, 2010). This is not only a discriminatory and inaccurate portrayal of a diverse group, but also culturally racist in the way such beliefs are played out in the implementation of policy and treatment of Muslims within British society (Qasmiyeh, 2010). This can be seen in proposed legislative changes, following the terrorist attacks of September 2001, where Prime Minister, Tony Blair, argued a need for increased ability to exclu de and remove those suspected of terrorism and those seeking to abuse the asylum system (Hansard, 2001). In addition, in describing the attacks, Mr. Blair highlighted the terrorists motivation as a religious obligation set out in the Islamic Holy text, the Koran (ibid). This demonstrates, I would argue, an underlying discourse associating both Muslims and asylum seekers with terrorism (Huysmans and Alessandra, 2008). Further political statements in the subsequent decade, I would argue, cemented this construction of Muslims as the enemy (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). In 2006, for example, a report on countering terrorism (Cabinet Office, 2006) concluded that the most prominent threat came from Islamist extremists. Furthermore John Denham, as Home Office minister, suggested that behind a minority group of terrorists, sat a wider Islamic community, who considered terrorism to be a legitimate response to current concerns (Denham, 2007). A consequence of this negative construction of Muslims, I would argue, is the discriminatory treatment of immigrants and asylum seekers who identify as Muslim (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). Risk-profiling computers, for example, determining on entry to the UK who should be scanned, searched and questioned, have been found to focus upon Muslim-specific behaviours, categorising practising Muslims as high risk (Webber, 2012). This is a clear demonstration, I would argue, of cultural racism, in determining negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural identity, further highlighting how the existence of racism, is very much dependent upon the way in which it is defined. Biological racism, for example, would argue that the range of ethnic diversity within Islam, indicates that any discriminatory treatment toward Muslims, cannot be racist, as underlying, discriminatory, motivations are not based upon biological difference. Similarly, although much of the discrimination explor ed, occurs at an institutional level, Institutional Racism is based on the impact of policies and practices upon racial, not cultural or religious, groups and so would not consider the matters explored to prove the existence of racism, within contemporary British society. Having considered varying definitions of racism, I would conclude that its existence, within contemporary British society, is complex and can be argued to be both prevalent and a thing of the past (Rattansi, 2007). By taking a biological perspective, this essay has considered that, although racist undertones may exist in some immigration and asylum discourse, its prevalence within British society is decreasing (Day, 2011). Alternatively, by taking an institutional view, where it is not intent but impact which is measured, the existence of racism has been highlighted, through some UK policies and institutions disproportionately, disadvantaging ethnic minorities. Similarly, by considering racism from the perspective of new language being used in place of traditionally racist terms, the prevalence of racism increases significantly, specifically, as this essay had demonstrated, within Immigration and Asylum policy. Finally, by extending this new racism definition to the replacement of ra cialised language, with that of culture, this essay has demonstrated how specific groups continue to experience significant levels of racism within British society, both in terms of policy construction and public attitude (Allen, 2010). Reflecting upon these various constructions of racism, I would argue that its perceived existence is highly dependent upon the definition used. Whilst this analysis has examined the existence of racism, it could be said that it does not explain its existence. Why is it that some groups consider it appropriate to negatively treat others, on the basis of their race? I would argue that the answer to this, is power. With biological racism, it is seen in the superiority and inferiority of racial groups, on the premise that biological difference creates a natural hierarchy. With new racism, it is seen in powerful discourses which paint racist ideologies as rational and in the best interests of Britain, whilst in reality maintaining the authoritative position of the powerful (Capedevila and Callaghan, 2007). With institutional racism, it is seen in those with the power to create policy and organisational procedures, constructing these to maximise the benefits for themselves and maintain their position of authority. Finally, with cultural racism, it is seen in the view that inferior and less developed cultures should be discarded an d individuals from such cultural groups assimilated into the dominant culture, accepting the superiority of these cultural norms. In light of this, I would argue, that if the existence of racism is determined by its definition and the purpose of racism is to maintain power, then a critical understanding of the constructed nature of racism, is paramount in assessing the discourses and policy proposals of those with such power. This reflection has also caused me to question the extent to which an academic pursuit of categorising behaviours, policies and ideologies as racist, is beneficial and if instead, it is deflecting the focus from challenging negative discrimination, faced by certain groups, irrespective of their experience fitting our socially constructed definition of racism. In conclusion, however, I would argue that, as racism is now considered both legally and morally wrong, if it can be accurately defined and its existence proved and highlighted, then work can be achieved towards its eradication (Cole, 2009).

Friday, January 17, 2020

Film Techniques Essay

Shots wide shot- a wide shot is a shot that shows the setting as well as the character. This kind of shot is used so the audience can understand the characters physical experience with the setting. normal shot- a normal shot usually shows the characters waist and up. This is a standard shot that helps to focus attention on the action. close up- a close up shot is a shot in which the camera focuses on a characters face or a particular object this kind of shot is so it can grab attention. This is used to sometimes show emotion or tell that the object is significant or important to the storyline. Angles high angle- a high angle is positioned above the character or objects. This is usually used to make the character or the object appear smaller, scared or vulnerable. eye level- this angle gives a ‘real life’ effect, as the camera is positioned towards the character or object. This angle focuses attention and is mainly used in conversations. low angle- this angle is positioned with the camera looking up at the character. If a character/object is filmed with the low angle, it will appear that the character/object will be looking down at the audience to create an effect in which the character/object seems tall, scary and powerful. Camera movement Camera movement is when the charcter is moving the camera does the same. This shows a point of view. The purpose of the point of view is for the audience to get the impression that they are seeing exactly what the character can see. Framing Framing is what contains and what excludes certain objects. Unecessary objects in the film may be excluded but important objects may be included so the film can make more sense. Editing Editing is putting all the shots of the film together in chronological order. As well as peicing the shots together, the editor must match the music and sound effects with the correct scenes. Depending on the film’s genre, the editor must edit the scenes so the music, the lighting and sound effects all correspond with each other so the scenes are suited perfectly. Pace Pace is editing the sequence at different speeds. When scenes are being edited they pace cetrain shots, some shots are shorter others are longer. When a scene is shorter it is faster and is suited for an action genre. When a scene is longer it is slower and it creates tension which is iseal for a romance genre. Transitions Transitions are used to take one shot to another. There are three ways in doing so; wipes, dissolves and fades. These are sometimes uesd for a skip in time. All of the transitions are used to either skip time or take one shot to another. Lighting, Music and Sound Effects Lighting creates either a bright scene or a dark scence to create an ambience. Lighting does many things: tells whether if it is day or night, it creates an atmosphere and a mood. It can help focus attention towards a specific part of the scene. Music is very important in a film. Although many viewers do not realsie the music it helps to create a mood and an atmosphere. Sound effects are easy to recognise. They are the simple sounds that can do so much more than the audience thinks. If it is the noise of an animal it can make thescene more realistic. In general lighting, music and sound effects are uesd to create mood and atmosphere. View as multi-pages

Thursday, January 9, 2020

United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Essay

United Nations Sustainable Development Goals On September 15th, 2015 United Nation leaders created and embraced the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) but it was not until January 1st, 2016 that the goals came into full effect (â€Å"Sustainable Development Agenda,† 2016). The purpose of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals is to combat poverty and hunger, ensure well-being, reduce inequality, protect land, secure clean water, and manage climate change(â€Å"Sustainable Development Agenda,† 2016). These goals expanded on the achievements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and now include peace and justice, sustainable consumption, and go further in undertaking issues of poverty (â€Å"Sustainable Development Agenda,† 2016). The SDGs include solving issues of hunger, education, gender equality, economic growth, peace, climate action, clean energy, and clean water and sanitation. They present clear regulations for nations to incorporate int o their daily routines to provide better lives for future generations. Although the SDGs are not binding contracts, governments and leaders are expected to work together and follow through on ensuring that progress and development is being made. The new development goals require that all countries, impoverished and affluent alike, do their part in protecting their environment and making sure that they are making headway. The SDGs are a 15-year plan that focus on building a healthy and fair future for the world and its inhabitantsShow MoreRelatedSustainable Development Goals Of The United Nations957 Words   |  4 PagesThe United Nations, as an organization that always devotes to promoting the development of human beings, has proposed a set of sustainable development goals in place of the old Millennium Development Goals. 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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

How to Use the Spanish Verb Quitar

With a basic meaning of to remove, the everyday Spanish verb quitar has a wider variety of meanings than the simple translation might suggest. Common translations, depending on the context, include to remove, to take away, to diminish, to eliminate, and to take off. Although it may have a distant etymological connection with the English word quiet, quitar doesnt have a related meaning, although it can be used to mean quit when used in a particular phrase as shown in the final entry below. Quitar Meaning ‘To Remove’ To remove is the simplest and most common meaning for quitar, and the other meanings overlap with it. Note how you can vary the translation considerably depending on the context. For example, while it is common in English to say you can remove your clothes, you can also take them off. But while you can remove a television from your room, you dont take it off, although you might take it out. Me quità © los zapatos y no sà © dà ³nde los dejà ©. (I took off my shoes and dont know where I left them.)Quiero que quites esos libros de mi casa. (I want you to take those books out of my house.)Con toda delicadeza y cuidado, Peter le quità ³ la astilla con su cuchillo. (Very delicately and carefully, Peter removed the sliver with his knife.)Un paciente necesita tomar la medicina por 7 a 10 dà ­as para quitar la infeccià ³n completamente. (A patient needs to take the medicine for seven to 10 days in order to completely get rid of the infection.) ¡Quà ­tate de mi camino! (Get out of my way! Literally, get yourself out of my path!) Quitar for ‘Take’ or ‘Take Away’ In some contexts, removal can suggest the taking of something. Where the taking is involuntary, quitar sometimes has the meaning of to rob. Robin Hood le quità ³ el dinero a los ricos. (Robin Hood stole money from the rich.)Le quitaron el record a Palermo. (They took the record away from Palermo.)El ladrà ³n me quità ³ todas mis pertenencias. (The thief robbed me of all my belongings.)El trabajo me quita muchas horas del dà ­a. (Work uses up many of my hours of the day.)La gente nos quitaba las bolsas de manzanas y melocotones de las manos. (The people took the bags of apples and peaches out of our hands.) Using Quitar With Reference to Feelings Quitar sometimes refers to the removal or elimination of emotions or feelings. Translations can vary with the feeling affected. Podemos disfrutar un sorbo que nos quitarà ¡ la sed. (We can enjoy a sip that will quench our thirst.)Quiero quitar el dolor de muelas sin ir al dentista. (I want to end my dental pain without going to the dentist.)Las Tic Tacs tienen solo dos calorias cada una y te quitan el hambre. (Tic Tacs have only two calories apiece and take away your hunger.)Tenà ­amos un montà ³n de informes favorables que nos quitaron el miedo. (We had a mountain of good news that overcame our fear.)Los drogas me quitaron la felicidad de abrazar a mi hijo. (The drugs robbed me of the joy of hugging my son.) Quitar for Quitting The phrase quitarse de, which literally means to remove oneself from, can be used to mean to quit when followed by a noun or infinitive. Dejar is used more often for this purpose, however. Hoy es el dà ­a de quitarse de Facebook. (Today is the day to quit Facebook.)Recuerdo que se quità ³ de fumar por un problema de pulmà ³n. (I remember that she quit smoking because of a lung problem.) Grammar Tips for Quitar You may understand some of the sample sentences better if you have a strong understanding of indirect objects and reflexive pronouns, as quitar is often used with them. Possessive adjectives are also important to learn when el and la are used as the equivalent of words such as my and your.